Problems of the present Shinto studies:

Discussions and perspectives of the international

 symposium held at Kokugakuin university

INOUE Nobutaka


Studies focused on Shinto are considerably fewer compared with those focused on Japanese Buddhism in Japan as well as in other countries. This is explained mainly by the fact that there exist quite limited numbers of Shinto related institutes and much fewer scholars concerned with Shinto studies. Added to this, it is apparent that such social conditions were observed as they felt some negative atmosphere to promote Shinto studies. Shinto experienced drastic changes in the aspect of relationship with the state in the process of modernization. Shrine Shinto were given a strong public character after the Meiji restoration under the ideal of unification of religion and politic. In the 1930sf, some Shinto ideas, for example, idea of the gimperial country,h became to be taught at schools or in local communities as core ideas which support militaristic thought. However, strong connection with the state and militarism was criticized severely in the post war period, especially as criticism of State Shinto. As a result, some scholars became to treat Shinto only from a negative viewpoint. This tendency effected negatively to the study of Shinto.

              Another reason will be taken into account that Shinto as a ethnic religion is originally difficult to establish systematic method of study. There exist no definite understandings as to what is the core of Shinto beliefs or when it was formed, while Buddhism is based on the teaching of Buddha and voluminous sutras which tried to explain his thought. Also there exist argument whether it is appropriate to regard Shinto as religion. Therefore, we have fundamental problem in what points Shinto is distinguished from Japanese culture in general. These basic difficulties would be one of the reasons why Shinto studies have not developed systematically. However, negative attitude to Shinto studies has fallen much lowered recently. Shinto studies from broader perspectives have increased, including that of comparative religious studies. Moreover, systematic collections of basic data and documents relating to Shinto have been promoted chiefly by institutes belonging to Kokugakuin University and Kogakukan University.

@           Considering these situation, Kokugakuin University applied to gThe 21st Century COE (Center of Excellence) Programh which started in the 2002 fiscal year. Our program titled gEstablishment of a National Learning Institute for the Dissemination of Research on Shinto and Japanese Cultureh was adopted as one of twenty programs in the area of humanities out of applied seventy-six programs. As a mean of promoting Kokugakuinfs program, a series of international symposium was started from the 2002 fiscal year and revising and translation into English of Encyclopedia Shinto originally published in Japanese in 1994.

A series of the symposium was titled as gInternational symposium of Shinto and Japanese culture studiesh for the purpose of reconfirming the present situation of Shinto studies in foreign countries as well as domestic studies and pursuing important points for the future Shinto studies. From March of 2003 to September of 2004, three main symposium and a mini-symposium were held. They were held with two main purposes. One is formation of an international network of scholars who have interests in Shinto studies and the other is discussion on important problems relating translation of Encyclopedia of Shinto which will be finally publicized on the Internet.

              As to the first point, the formation of a network with foreign scholars who can read Japanese documents was aimed as the first stage. And as to the second point, we tried to collect many opinions from various standpoints of many countries, both on translation and technological aspects. As the online publication of Encyclopedia of Shinto of English version will start in 2005, I describe here only the result and future problems obtained by the past symposium as interim report. 

1.The First Symposium

The first symposium was held on March 3, 2003 at Kokugakuin University under the theme of gThe present Situation and Future Problems of Shinto Studies in Each Country.h This theme seemed to be appropriate for our purpose. Although oversea scholars of Shinto are mostly Europeans, Asian scholars including Koreans and Chinese are increasing recently. We invited five scholars from USA, Austria, France, Holland and Korea.

The titles of their presentations were as follow.

Bernhard Scheid (Austria), gShinto Studies in German-speaking areas in the twentieth Century.h
Jan van Bremen (Holland), gShinto Studies in Holland: Focused on Theology, Religious Studies, and Studies of Ethnic Culture.h
Francois Mace (France), gShinto Studies in France.h
Helen Hardacre (USA), gThe Present Situation and Future Problems of Shinto Studies in the USA.h
Lee, Won-Bum (Korea), gThe Present Situation and Future Problems of Shinto Studies in Koreah

Points of each presenter are described in the following. The first presentation by Bernhard Scheid pointed out that the origin of Japanese studies in German-speaking areas was traced back to the studies by Engelbert Kaempfer (1651-1716) and Philip Franz von Siebold (1796-1866). Then he explained chiefly the development of studies after their contribution. Japanology developed since the begining of the twentyfirst century in the German-speaking areas. He especially evaluated achievement of Karl Florenz (1865-1939) who translated most part of Kojiki and Nihongi into German.1

He referred to studies by Heinrich Dumoulin (1905-1995) and Horst Hammitzsch (1909-1991) as of the pre-war period. Dumoulin visited Japan in the 1930s and learned at University of Tokyo, publishing Doctoral thesis on Kamo Mabuchi in 1943.2 Horst Hammitzsch studied Watarai Shinto in the medieval Japan, while his first article treated Hirata Atsutane.3 Scheid explained that the political element had a far-reaching influence on Japanese studies in Germany during the period between World War I and World War II. Some have regarded that treatment of Shinto by German scholars had been basically a kind of propaganda by Nazism. As a result, it has been considered a kind of taboo to choose Shinto studies as onefs specialty.

In spite of this, themes related with Shinto were treated in the field of ethnology and the Institute of ethnology at Vienna University played an important role in this field. A course of Japanology was established at the institute under the direction of Oka Masao in 1938. His researches were succeeded by Alexander Slawik, (1900-1999) who was later the first professor at the institute of Japanese studies established in 1965. He had a deep concern in old history of Japan and Korea, publishing articles on gmarebitoh concept by Origuchi Shinobu and myth of Susanoo.4

              As more recent scholars who have been engaged in Japanese studies atVienna University, Josef Kreiner, Susanne Formanek, and Sheid himself were introduced. Kreiner carried out research surveys in Japanes villages.5 Formanek is studying pilgrimage in the Edo period.6  Scheidfs theme is Yoshida Shinto.7 Scheid argued that studies of Nelly Naumann (1922-2000) were especially important in the post war Period.8 She claimed that independent religion named gShintoh did not appear in the ancient documents in Japan, denying the concept of Shinto as a category of history of Japanese religion. Accordingly, many arguments are continuing thereafter as to what the concept gShintoh means.
              A student of Naumann, Klaus Antoni started study of Japanese myth, followed by a study of modern Shinto in the 1990s.9@Regarding to a study of modern Shinto, Ernst Lokowandt was also introduced. He treated State Shinto from the standpoint of legal history.10 Scheid regards that problem of State Shinto became to be treated directly by these generation. On the other hand, the role of Shinto in the history of thought in the Edo period became an object of the study in the 1980s. One of the scholars who showed intrest in this theme is Klaus Kracht. He treats the idea of gkami,h analyizing thoughts of Hayashi Razan, Arai Hakuseki and Ymagata Banto.11  Recently the study of Japanese new religions started. Johannes Laube who is researching Tenrikyo12 and other young scholars such as Ulrike Wohr, Inken Prohl, Birgit Staemmler also show interests in new religions.
              Scheid concluded that Shinto studies have been placed in the minor position in German speaking areas. As the background of this situation, shift of leading field of Japanese studies was observed from philosophy, theology and philology to sociology and social anthropology. Also as political element, the ratio of scholars who were related with Nazism was higher among scholoars of Japanese studies than those of other specialities.

Bremen introduced Shinto studies in Holland, showing that there exist four universities and six ethnic museums which have sections of Shinto studies. Out of four universities, two are Christian universities located in Amsterdam and Nijmegen and two are National universities, Universiteit@and Leiden Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht. He suggested that the study by Cornelius Ouwehand was the most excellent in cultural anthropology. And that the study of Mark Teeuwen on Watarai Shinto in published 1996 is the most important in the field of history of thought13 Then he explained briefly characteristics of each institute. As to Leiden national museum where Japanese studies began in the prewar period, the study by de Visser was introduced. He stayed in Japan in the end of the Meiji era and published an article on Shinto after coming back to Holland14 He also published an article on Shinto and Taoism in Japan.
Concerning studies in the postwar period, chief studies were introduced according to such categories as theology, history of thought and ethnic studies. It was pointed out that Christian theologians showed interests in Shinto concerning theological studies. A Korean scholar, Lee Kun Sam, published doctoral thesis in English at Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam.15 He was born in Busan and became a Christian. As to Catholic universities, two doctoral theses were submitted to Katholieke Universiteit Nijmegen. One is thesis published in 1967 by Jacques Henri Kamstra. He also published an introductory book on Japanese folk belief and an article on inari belief in the 1990s.16 The other thesis is by Ernestus D. P. F. Piryns who referred to Shinto briefly there, although main themes were Buddhism and Confucianism.

As to studies of history of thought, Wilhelmus H. M. Creemers published a book on Shinto in the postwar period.17 In the 1980s, Naomi Hylkema-Vos was engaged in the research of thought of Kato Genchi. And Mark Teeuwen, Hendrik van der Veere and W.J. Boot started to study Shinto in the medieval and the Edo period in the 1990s.18 Boot interpreted that establishments of Shinto shrine for the dead such as Heian shrine, Meiji shrine, Nogi shrine and Yasukuni shrine were relatively recent phenomenon. However, main studies of Shinto in Holland are engaged in the fields t of folkloreAethnology and cultural or social anthropology. M.W. de Visser published two books on Shinto in the prewar period.19 He was a professor of Japanese studies at Leiden national museum. Ouwehand studied at the institute of folklore established by Yanagita Kunio, publishing English articles on Susanoo20 Susano was treated from the viewpoint of gtricksterh in the article. Ouwehand also showed deep interest in Namazu-e (pictures of catfish),annual events and inari belief.21

Finally, Bremenfs recent studies on Shinto were introduced. His chief aim of the present study is to treat the problem of eirei or glorious spirits of the military dead, and shrines where eirei were enshrined.

Mace explained the present situation of Shinto studies in France, pointing that Shinto studies of France are much fewer compared to those of UK, German speaking areas, USA or Holland. Leon de Rosny translated mythological part in the 19th century, resulting in a lower evaluation. Although a missionary J. M. Martin published Le Shintoisme ancien in the 1920s, evaluation is not high as well. Mace regards that Japanese studies in France started by Charles Haguenauer who was engaged in the study of linguistic and folklore by making research surveys in Japan as well as Korea, Okinawa and Taiwan. He published an excellent article on Shinto ritual called chinkonsai. The present Shinto studies are included a part of Japanese studies belonging to oriental study without few exception. Accordingly Shinto studies are located in fields of foklore, history, religious studies or literature. Mace explained outlines of chief studies of each area.

In the field of folklore, Rene Sieffert met with Yanagita Kunio and made survey during the stay inJapan in the 1950s. He published an article on fire festival at Kurama and Les religions du Japon in which he introduced Shinto and other religions. He also published complete translation of the Manfyoshu into French in 2003. Gerard Martzel analyzed Japanese festivals through public entertainment in the book Le dieu masque, fete et theatre au Japon. Anne Bouchy became a student of Gorai Shigeru to research Shugendo and published Les oracles de Shirakata and other books. Simone Mauclaire tried to analyze classical literatures by means of folklore in the book Du conte au roman, un cendrillon japonais lfOchikubomonogatari. Then She turned to another theme in the book Collectivites et Maisons dans la societe japonaise traditionnelle, studying recently ritual sentences in Shikoku area and festivals in Okinawa.

Josef Kyburz who published Cultes et croyances au Japon Kaida which is the report of a fieldwork in Japan, He published an article titled gTel une bouffee de vent divin,h arguing over gtaikyoh or Great teachings in the Meiji Restoration.
On the study of new religion, Jean-Pierre Berthon was introduced who is studying new religions and sectarian Shinto, especially Omoto. Laurence Caill analyzed ritual of water at Todaiji temple, publishing Le rituel de lfeau de jouvence. After that, she published La maison Yamazaki in which she described a life of a woman and her experiences of beliefs focused on encounter with shamanism. She also edited Fetes et rites des quatre saisons. Patrick Beillevaire is a specialist of the history and folklore in Okinawa, publishing gDieux et ancetres dans lfespace villageois japonais.h Mace also introduced Jane Cobbi who reseached divine foods in the book Dieux buveurs et ancetres gourmands and Amemiya Hiroko who compared legends in Brittany area in France and those in Japan. Two younger scholars were introduced One is Laurence Lahournat who is analyzing the role of doll in the ancient religion. The other is Jean-Michel Butel who is constructing typology of the place where deities of marriage chance making in Japan by fieldwork. Both are students at INALCO. 

Then contributions from history was listed up. Francine Herail who published complete translation of Midoukanpakuki into French is analyzing rituals of imperial court. Her student Nathalie Kouame researched pilgrimage in eighty-eight places in Shikoku in the Edo period, followed by research about religious policy in Mito domain. Another student, Charlotte von Verschuer, researched exchanges between Japan and China from ancient to medieval time, meals at imperial court in the Heian period, and now researches the role of rice crop and other plants in Japanese mythology.

     As scholars of religious studies on Shinto, Robert Duquenne, Arnaud Brotons and Hartmunt O. Rotermund were introduced. Rotermund succeeds academic line of Bernard Frank who analized mandala of Japanese Buddhism, introducing Japanese deities in Buddhism. Duquenne also considered Shinto from the viewpoint of Buddhism. He published an article titled gPeregrinations entre l'Inde et le Japon: du mont en tete dfelephant et autres montagnes sacreesh where he discussed on mountains as divine bodies. Then he confessed his idea on policies on Shinto during the Meiji Restoration in an article. Brotonsfs theme of study is Kumano belief during the Heian period centering on visit to Kumano from the 6th century to 12th century Rotermund was referred to as the scholar who shows the deepest interest in Shinto.

In the field of literature, Alain Rocher published Mythes et souverainete au Japon based on the study of Kojiki. It was informed that Mace and Rocher planed to translate Kojiki and Nihongi wholly about ten years ago. Mace referred to his own study of ancient funeral rituals focused on mogari or rituals just after the death, study of the structure of Japanese mythology. He is currently engaged in the study of Shito in the Edo period.

Mace concluded that they show more interest in folk belief than Shinto in France. I t became clear that mutual exchanges of studies are not so active among French scholoars as well as with scholars in German language sphere by questions and answers after the presentation.

Helen Hardacre explained chiefly situation of academic studies of modern Shinto in USA. She pointed out there is no agency where modern Shinto is researched and no chance of gathering students and promoting studies through academic associations, study groups or network. However, about forty universities and colleges have courses related to Japanese religions and provide education on Japanese religions or history of Japanese religion. In these courses, as Shinto is treated as a part of introduction to Japanese religion, classes are much fewer compared with those of Buddhism. While there exist about two hundreds and fifty members belonging to the Study Group of Japanese Religion, those who published books related with modern Shinto are less than twenty.

   Universities which have courses on Shinto in special are only two, University of California, Santa Barbara and Harvard University. A course of Shinto studies was established at University of California, Santa Barbara as International Shinto Foundation Chair. Hardacre introduced that the course was established by International Shinto Foundation22 and Allan Grapard is a professor in charge of the course. Harvard University hold Reichauer Institute as an agency of international studies. The institute established the course of Reischauer Institute Professor of Japanese Religions in 1992. Hardacre is in charge of the course professor, teaching postgraduate students. The institute made an agreement with Kokugakuin University of academic exchange program in 2000.

Hardacre claimed that the reason why scholars of Shinto studies overseas remain to be a small number could get a hint by what scholars of Buddhist studies had done. In the case of the latter, Japanese scholars came to USA, teaching at many universities. They stayed there for a long time and guided graduate students, mediating between institutes in Japan and USA. However, such an example was not observed in Shinto studies. She pointed that Shinto studies in the prewar period were focused on State Shinto. Opinions of Daniel Holtom on Shintofs influence for militarism had a influence also on GHQfs view of Shinto. There exist such point of view as excluding Shinto from religion in the study of the prewar period. Therefore, how Shinto should be treated is now felt as an important theme from eyes of American scholars. As historical studies and anthropological studies are especially active in the area of modern Shinto, Hardacre introduced mostly contributions since the 1990s. She put focus on the book of John Dower which got a Pulitzer Prize in 2000 and that of Herbert Bix which also got the same prize in 2001 because of her judging that they would give a large influence on the future Japanese studies in USA.

Dower described in detail in Embracing Defeat how Japanese people and government accepted the defeated war, pointing that most people neglect the Shinto directive and welcomed new constitution which held religious freedom and separation between Church and State. He regarded Shinto as vacant and meaningless in studies different from the view of Holtom. In his book, Hirohito and the Making of Modern Japan, Bix considered that Emperor Showa had been eager in Shinto rituals through his life and started the war with belief in the mythology of State Shinto. Hardacre regards his study is similar to that of Holtom.

Then she referred to studies of younger generation. Kenneth J. Ruoff categorized Japanese right wing into three groups in The People's Emperor: Democracy and the Japanese Monarchy. They are extreme right wing, far right wing and right wing. Jinja honcho is included in right wing by his category. John Thomas Noonan treated the suit on ground purification ceremony in Tsu city, Mie prefecture in The Lustre of Our Country: The American Experience of Religious Freedom in which he discussed critically on the decision of Supreme Court as they judged Shinto rituals supported by the municipal corporation as legal.

As ethnographical studies, The Rousing Drum: Ritual Practice in a Japanese Community by Scott Schnell was referred to. He interpreted quite uniquely that participants of a festival can explained it in the most appropriate way and new meanings were born when original meanings of the festival was lost and its pattern only remained. As to Karen Smyersfs book, The Fox and the Jewel: Shared and Private Meanings in Contemporary Japanese Inari Worship, her conclusion was introduced about flexibility of Inari. John Nelsonfs A Year in the Life of a Shinto Shrine was highly evaluated as the book analyzed in detail personalities of Shinto priests based on interviews with them. He treated annual events at shrines in Nagasaki prefecture. Hardacre finally pointed that probably none of them recognized themselves as being engaged in Shinto studies. She claimed that this was caused by closed attitude of Japanese institutes, expressing her expectation to change the situation by this program of Kokugakuin University

Last presenter was Lee Won-Bum whose presentation revealed a little different viewpoint to Shinto from Western scholars. He described that Shinto became recently the object of research in Korea because there existed the certain negative image of State Shinto among Korean people. Koreans have kept images that Shinto was dogmatic group who wanted to rule over all the spiritual values based on absolute holiness of the Emperor. Therefore, Shinto shrines had been understood as agencies for the purpose of educating and authorizing superiority of Japan as divine country and its colonial rule by imperialism.

              However, images of Korean to Shinto changed in the 1990s. Many Korean visited Japan after freedom of travel overseas with Soeul Olympic in 1988 as an opportunity and they realized that Shinto shrines were quite different from those in their memory. Lee suggested that astonishment and curiosity of Korean by this discovery is main motifs of recent Shinto studies. He listed up a master thesis in the 1970s, three master theses and three academic articles in the 1980s, most of which aimed to treat State Shinto. However, the number of studies increased as two books, two translations, ten master theses and fifteen academic articles after the 1990s, with more multiple viewpoints. The recognition was born that it was impossible to discuss Japanese spiritual culture with ignoring Shinto. As a result, department of Japanese language are established at seventy-two universities or colleges up to 2002, while departments of Japan were established at twenty-five universities or colleges to teach generally Japanese society and culture as well as Japanese language. In spite of this, scholars who select Shinto studies as their specialties are quite few.

              Lee claimed that contributions of historical studies are most important as to Shinto studies, followed by those of Japanese culture and those of Christian studies. The last ones are divided in two main groups of study of State Shinto in order to investigate history of martyrs of Korean Christianity and study of shrine Shinto in order to deepen understanding of Japanese religious culture for missionary activities. He, however, pointed out that Shinto studies in Korea could not reach at the stage of an independent area of research.

Because historical studies where study method was accumulated most have not changed their stance to investigate State Shinto. And Shinto studies from Japanese culture with multiple viewpoints remains the stage of arranging and introducing studies in Japan. Shinto studies in Christian theology started by unique viewpoint are arguing within limited circles. Finally Lee concluded that the program of Kokugakuin is quite meaningful as exchanges of researches among these areas would be necessary hereafter.

After five sessions finished, general discussion was held. Hayashi Jun commented on the following five pints. Firstly, in what relationship with Japan was each country situated in the twentieth century is  quite important, especially considering on the influence of World War II. Secondly, how is education of Japanese language or Japanese studies located at the level of higher education? Thirdly, Influence of paradigm shift on Shinto studies from humanities to social sciences and anthropology as to cultural studies. Fourthly, are Shinto scholars needed? Or is it appropriate to include Shinto studies as a part of Japanese history or Japanese culture. Lastly, how do Japanese scholars consider this point?

             Following his comments, panelists discussed mostly on concrete methods of developing Shinto studies further. It is recognized that more exchanges between Japan and each country should be much more active and such Shinto studies were necessary as being researched from broader perspectives of Japanese culture. They also evaluated the meaning of translation of Encyclopedia of Shinto into English from the viewpoint of  Shinto studies hereafter.

As a result of the first symposium, general recognition was shared among participants on the present situation of Shinto studies in some European countries and Korea. It should say that Shinto studies have not established as an independent research area in any country. This suggested we should reconsider Japanese situation. Although Shinto studies in Japan are approached from religious studies, historical studies, folklore, literature, cultural anthropology, archeology and other academic areas, objects and methods of studies are quite different. Systematic studies on Shinto are not so many.

              However, endeavors to establish systematic study of Shinto are observed recently. Encyclopedia of Shinto translated by our program also aimed to cover all the areas of Shinto studies, dividing the contents into nine parts. They are General Remarks, Kami (deities), Institutions, Agencies and Administrations related to Shinto, Jinja (Shinto shrines), Festivals, Forms of Belief, Basic ideas and teachings, Sects, Organizations and Persons related to Shinto, and Books and Documents concerning Shinto.

              Each chapter treats the following contents.
1. General remarks: history of Shinto, relationship between Shinto and other religions.
2. Kami: various kinds of deities including those appearing in classical documents and folk belief.
3. Institutions, agencies and administrations related to Shinto: how governments in each period treated Shinto shrines and Shinto priests.
4. Jinja: facilities of Shinto shrines and various goods delivered at shrines.
5. Festivals: various types of festivals and rituals are outline from festivals of the state to folk festivals.
6. Forms of belief: beliefs related to special types of shrines as well as folk beliefs are shown.
7. Basic ideas and teachings: thoughts, teaching and ideas of Shinto.
8. Sects, organizations and persons related to Shinto: Shinto sects and development of each sect are explained. Also important person related to Shinto are introduced.
9. Books and documents concerning Shinto: Shinto texts or documents, and interpretation of them are explained.

              Considering that endeavors to pursue systematic studies of Shinto are strengthened rather recently, it might be quite natural that the field of Shinto studies is not established in foreign countries. 

2. The Second Symposium

For the purpose of promoting Shinto studies on international network, it would be absolutely important to estimate how basic terms of Shinto translate into foreign languages. Therefore, the theme of the second international symposium was decided as gHow eShintof is translated?h It was held 20th and 21st of September in 2003 at Kokugakuin University. The symposium ran side by side with realization of translating Encyclopedia of Shinto. Therefore we tried to argue various problems when they translate basic terms and ideas of Shinto into foreign languages. As a result, several difficult problems were submitted concretely. The symposium was divided into three parts, providing five presentations and general discussion. The presenters and their titles of speech are as follows

Session I: Part of Kokugaku

Ann Wehmeyer (USA), hMissing points in the case of translation of Kojikiden, the first volume by Motoori Norinaga.h

Mark McNally (USA), gTranslation of Kokugaku as hermeneutical  arithmetic.h

Session II: Part of Shinto Classics

John Bentley (USA), gTranslation of Nihongi.h

Francois Mace (rance), gEndeavor of Translation of Kojiki.h

No Seong-Hwan (Korea), gReminiscences of Translation of Kojiki.h

Session III: General Discussion

Taking into consideration of realizing translation of Encyclopedia of Shinto, four out of six scholars were invited from USA. Most are those who have experience of translation of Shinto Books or documents, considering the theme of the symposium. The chairpersons of the sessions were Kate Nakai, Nakamaki Hirochika and myself.

Bentley who is studying Japanese classics from the standpoint of historical language has just completed his translation of Nihongi. The symposium provided a good opportunity to introduce this important achievement to participants. Mace who is the second invitation to our symposium presented his paper as a scholar of Japanese mythology this time. He confessed that he had started translation of Kojiki. McNally whose specialty is kokugaku treats books authored by Motoori Norinaga and Hirata Atsutane. No Seong-Hwan once translated Kojiki into Korean. Wehmeyer translated documents relating to kokugaku partly.

Firstly, Wehmeyer discussed the following points with examples based on translation of books of Motoori Norinaga.

1. Cases where notation are different, though words are same.

As an example, ginishieh was picked up which was translated into gantiquity,h gancient times,h or gin the pasth according to contexts, followed with other examples.

2. Cases where differences of translation words caused big changes in interpretations.

              The word gmakotoh was confusing whether it should be translated as facts, truth, or true nature. As kokugaku scholars tended to explain important words depending on largely folk etymology with ambiguity in reasons, it causes difficulties in translation .

3. Is it especially difficult or not to translate Shinto terms compared to other terms of Japanese culture?

4. Cases of becoming clear characteristics of Shinto in the process of translation.

              As some kokugaku scholars held such ideas as excluding foreign countries extremely, it is hard work to treat them. While the claim of excellence of their own culture is common phenomenon among religions in the world, the tendency is quite remarkable among kokugaku scholaras in the Edo period.

5. Specific problems of each document.

              Two points were shown. The first is that it is hard work to make clear the original text of cited sentences, because kokugaku scholars ordinarily did not show original texts. The second is that misunderstanding would be resulted if one did not check original text in detail.

6. Quite detailed but important differences lost in the process of translation.

              As to this problem, three points were described. The first is how we treat differences between hiragana or the Japanese cursive syllabary and Chinese characters . The second is what messages are included in hiragana attached to Chinese characters which is uniquely observed in Norinagafs sentences. The last is purpose of using black brackets. While these brackets are used to show explanations or opinions from different positions in Kojikiden, it is not clear whether Norinaga supposed two different groups of readers or not.

7. Translation of which books is useful hereafter for deepening understandings of Shinto.

              She regards it important to translate manfyoshu. It has only partly translated at present in English. The translation by Ian Hideo Levy is representative.23 However, it is not enough for the cultural understanding to translate it literally. As is the translation of Kojiki by Donald L. Philippi, deliberate translation through anthropological viewpoints. By this, Shinto ideas and beliefs, especially animism found in songs of manfyoshu.

              In the followed questions and answers, arguments occurred on using such expressions as our imperial country or our imperial land to translate idea where nationalism appeared strongly. A participant at floor suggested the word should be translated faithful to the context. Another argument was suitableness of translating gmitamah as spirit. One suggested that it is appropriate to translation as soul or spirit with original word mitama. Concerning this problem, Wehmeyer added that it is customary not to translate nigimitama and aramitama, both are subcategories of mitama, into English word usually, although to translate tama as spirit

McNally started his presentation by pointing out basic difficulties when Americans wanted to introduce books of kokugaku. It was because there existed few scholars who could understand differences between kokugaku and Shinto. He also touched the basic problem of translation that some meanings were inevitably added and reduced respectively from original meanings, using the concept of "ideal speech situationh advocated by Jurgen Habermas. He considers that kokugaku scholars in the Edo period understood well this points because Kamo Mabuchi had pointed out that ancient Japanese became different meanings by introducing Chinese. Articles written by Mabuchi, Norinaga and Atsutane on languages are near to the theory of Ferdinand de Saussure who had a influence on structurism and post-structurism. Because a conclusion of kokugaku scholars is that gsignifierh by a foreign language cannot be expressed basically by gsignifiedh in Japanese.

              He introduced that "nativism,h gschool of nativism,h or gNational Studiesh were used for the translation of kokugaku. Or gschool of thought,h gintellectual movementh are also used. He regards all of them would be appropriate as translation of kokugaku, while he suggested few Americans understood nativism as a kind of academic lineage. Or the word gkodoh which is a key term to express the orthodoxy of kokugaku is translated as gancient way.h He also suggested that they hardly grasp the connotation.

Then problems concerning Hirata Atsutanefs views of other world were presented. McNally showed that he used the term eschatology to introduce Atsutanefs ideas on other world, avoiding using too long terms gknowledge of the afterlife.h He added that the translation was criticized as the term strongly indicate a nuance of theological term of Catholic. As to describing gfour great mastersh of kokugaku, he used glineage,h avoiding using the term ghagiography,h as it indicate theological nuance.

              He showed concrete examples of difficulties in translating terms of kokugaku into English like these, stressing that such trials were necessary for the first step of cultural exchanges, even though they contained misunderstandings.

              In the followed discussions, various opinions were submitted as to the fact that the term gnativismh was used most widely as translation of kokugaku. Mace introduced that getude de nationalh was used in French.

A participant said that the term gnational learningh could not express any meaningful concept. Another said that kokugaku should be used as kokugaku in English. However, opposite opinions were submitted that they should try to use English word as many as they could. Others expressed that "national learningh or gschool of Japanese learningh were not so inappropriate.

Bentley described problems of English translation of Nihongi from the viewpoint of historical linguistic. He made clear his basic position that translation should transfer linguistic elements of original language to a foreign language, as mere transference of ideas of original texts to a foreign language was not enough.

              As an example, he referred to distinguishing the Chinese character expressing gseah into two words, sea and ocean. As this Chinese character is read as gumih or gwatah in each context. He used sea as a translation of gumih and ocean as gwata,h because sea indicates big waters, sea or lake and ocean does originally big waters except Mediterranean see, namely gremote seah in nuance.

             He then referred to a more complex example, kami. As kami and god is different meanings, many scholars use kami in English translation. He claimed that it would be appropriate to use gdeity,h partly because one of the definitions of gdeityh in Oxford English Dictionary is near to the meaning of kami.

              As to English translation of Nihongi, he pointed out problems of the translation by William George Aston published in 1896. Although Astonfs translation is the most famous, even recently with French and Russian translation from it, parts of it, especially that of songs, is out of date, relying on old academic information as a whole. He stressed the necessity to estimate Nihongi on the basis of recent developments in many academic areas, including historical linguistic. His position would be understood that new translation should be tried as academic studies developed in general.

              He pointed out more important points based on experience of translation of Nihongi for fourteen years. Most remarkable point is that mistranslation would be inevitable if one did not grasp fully linguistic on the Aska age. One should understand that the usage of Chinese characters reflected quite accurately, more than eighty percent, accents of Chinese in those days. As an example of taking into consideration of this fact, he analyzed a song in Jinmu chapter, claiming that his new interpretation was quite clear compared with former ones.

              Yamata no orochi is usually interpreted as a dragon with eight heads and eight tails, namely with eight forked (yamata). However, Vovin at Hawaii University announced that gmatah of gyamatah meant head and the word of same line exited among ancient Korean.24 Bentley described that there existed no contradictions between Nihongi and Kojiki if adopting Vovinfs idea. He suggested gonogoro islandsh should be translated in consideration of nuances included in its Chinese characters that activities of deities in heavenly plain are marvelous like thunder. He also insisted that gawajih in gawaji islandh contained nuance of unpleasantness.

              During the time of questions and answers, Bentley pointed out that level of using Chinese were quite different between Nihongi and Kojiki. As Chinese in Nihongi are excellent, probably intelligences came from Paekche or China would be concerned in translation. Moreover, Nihongi would be edited in three stages. Parsons from Paekche joined in the first stage, and they did not in the second and third stage. He showed his idea that about sixty words of Paekche might be used in Nihongi.

@Mace who is now trying to translate Kojiki into French told that Kojiki translated in France in the past were evaluated as failures because they had shown stories of the book but they did not reveal any flavor in sentences. Their annotations did not function at all.

Kojiki is not mere stories of deities but an excellent text of literature.  There exits big difference between Japanese culture in the seventh century and that of Europe in the twenty-first century. While mythology had religious and political roles in the age of Kojiki, it is only amusing literature for children like old stories in modern society or an object of researches among a little number of specialists. Moreover, there exists differences of worldviews between monotheism and polytheism. Taking into consideration of these points, translation of Kojiki seems to be impossible.

Then why he is trying to translate in spite of these. He showed a answer from social factor first. French can read the best classics in Japan. Therefore, translator should be an excellent literary writer as well as researcher with abilities of reading this complex text. The other reason is for convenience himself, as translation into onefs mother language is the most effective way to understand a document accurately into detail. Adding this, difficulties of translation is not so different between translating into modern Japanese and French in the case of Kojiki.

Turning to concrete examples, the first line of Kojiki brings us problems. Should the name of amanominakanusinokami be translated or not? If one try to translate, what French does he or she use among deite, divinite, dieu, entite?  Mace suggested gdieuh might be appropriate because Japanese deities became equivalent to Roman deities. Chamberlain translated this deity as "Heaven shining august deity,h while Shibata translated as "Grande.Auguste.kami; illuminant.du.Cielh in French. Mace insisted that these translations were unnatural because such expressions as gle dieu Jupiterh or ga.deesse.Venush were not used in French just as in Greek or Latin, though "Jupiter.le.grand.dieuh or "a grande deesse.Venush were possible. Then gAmaterasu la radieuseh or gAmaterasu la grande deesseh might be appropriate. In cases of deities with longer name, however, it is desparate to translate properly.@Or as is the case of Susanoo, it is not clear whether some names of deities originate from place names or not. Mace, like these, referred to both meanings of translation and difficulties.

As the final presenter, No Seong-Hwan described problems as to translation of Kojiki in Korea where was situated in different academic environment concerning Japanese studies. Korean have little interest in Kojiki because Japanese studies have quite short history. Japanese studies started not after the independence from Japan, but after the end of the Korean War. Scholars of history of ancient Korea, however, incite sentences of Kojiki and Nihongi. While they can read Japanese, as they experienced colonial rule by Japanese, younger generation cannot. So that translation become more necessary hereafter.

              He introduced that Korean scholars have interest in Kojiki especially in two points. One is that some myths in Kojiki are similar to Korean myths. For example, tenson-korin or the ancestral deity of rulers descended from the heavens, and legend of Miwa mountain have the same structures as those of Korea. The other is that descriptions relating to Korea often appear in Kojiki such as Empress Jingu attacked three countries in Korea or Amenohiboko, a prince of Silla, came to Japan. As a result, the desire of reading Kojiki in Korean has grown. He started translation in this background, relying on Nishimiya Kazutamifs reading of Kojiki and annotation of Iwanami Shotenfs Kojiki. Kojiki by Saigo Nobutsuna and Kojiki by Kurano Kenji were also helpful.

              As No recognized that he was not a historian nor a linguist, he took method to cite various annotations, considering there existing controversial opinions between historical studies of Japan and Korea. Although there are honorifics in Korea as in Japan, they were not used in his translation except the preface. As to proper nouns, readings were shown in Hangul, showing Chinese characters in parentheses and added annotations.  After publishing, a famous novelist in Korea cited many parts of the book and believers of Tenrikyo showed interest as they found connection with Tenrikyo Scriptures. He claimed that the translation effected on mythological studies in Korea in the point that necessity of analysis from the viewpoint of Structuralism was recognized, added to that of propagation theory of mythology.

              During questions and answers, one asked why honorifics were not used for deities in general. Nofs answer was that if one use honorifics for deities in Korean, image of the book as classics had been lost. Concerning the answer, another participant asked that one should use honorifics because they were used for deities in Japan. No answered that he did not use honorific expression as he regarded Kojiki as historical book not as mythological book.

In the general discussion, Helen Hardacre picked up problems caused by difference between Chinese characters-using areas and non Chinese characters-using areas. She insisted that there exist at least three elements in Chinese characters. They are meanings and sounds of each character, and images or nuances observed from it. However, in cases of translation into non Chinese characters-using areas, the former two can be transmitted, but nuances and images cannot. Especially in translation of classics, historical knowledge of a translator is necessary.

              As to going over the translation by Aston, she particularly pointed out that he used Latin when love scenes or sexual intercourses of deities were depicted. She welcomed the improvement of this point because most modern students could not read Latin and were dissatisfied with Astonfs translation. She also supported Macefs position of regarding Kojiki as a literature. On the macro level of problems, she confessed that it was very impressive that no one referred to language barrier, borders of nation in cases of translation. She asked what are aims of translation if it is not the work of transcendence or breakthrough, but that of creation.

              In time of questions and answers, participants asked the present situation on translation of Nihongi. No answered that a scholar belonging to the prewar generation translated into Korean, but it was not excellent as it was based on old studies. Mace stated that one of his friends started translation into French.

              As to another question in what degree one should adopt such terms as nuances of Christian theology when basic terms of Shinto were translated into European languages, Hardacre suggested one should not avoid Christian terminology. Because, if one avoids such words, one must use such terms as have no special connotations like gNativismh or gNational Learning,h and one could not transfer religious nuance or spirit of original sentences. 

3. The mini symposium

The terms in classical document of Shinto and kokugaku were mostly discussed in the second symposium, with no chances of referring to terms in modern documents. And four out of six panelists were from USA. However, documents and books related to modern Shinto were translated into various languages, with bringing us different problems from classics. Considering this point, an international mini-symposium was held in December 7, 2003 at Kokugakuin University, inviting two presenters form Germany and France.

Their titles of the presentations are as follow. 25

Inken Prohl gBetween ideological expressions and practical religions: Problems around translation of concepts and categories on what is called eShintof.h

Jean-Pierre Berthon gMillenialism, language, ecriture in the late Edo to the early Meiji period: Centering on Maruyamakyo.h

Problems on modern institution of Shinto shrines and State Shinto would be included when modern Shinto is discussed. Sectarian Shinto and new religions of Shinto origin are also treated. Modern Shinto organizations use various concepts and terms which have been used in Shrine Shinto. Then it might be asked whether concept of deities among the former is same as the latter. As the presenters were both specialists of new religions, they were suitable for the discussion.

The commentators are Ernst Lokowandt whose specialty is State Shinto and Sakurai Haruo who is researching modern history of Shrine Shinto. I was a chairperson of the meeting.

Prohl took the position that one should consider arguments around what is Shinto and reflect them when one try to translate concepts relating to Shinto properly. Accordingly, firstly, concepts which are used by each religion should be put into new context of translated culture. Secondly, one should estimate critically adopted categories themselves when religions are described. She discussed the example that gSintoismush in German was used for gSintoismh in English. She suggested that they had better use the plural form gSintosh when referring to Shinto, according to the fact that Bernard Faure used gBuddhismsh instead of gBuddhism.h She also suggested to use the term gStaate-Kulth instead of gStaats-Religionh or State Shinto. As the case may be, the term gZivilreligionh civil religion in English can be used for characterizing State Shinto.

              As to terms relating to new religion, although "lebender Gotth or gleibhaftiger Gotth is used to gikigami,h she claimed gMedium Gottesh would be appropriate in some cases, based on her position that context should be taken into account seriously. Inori or prayer in Shinto is usually translated as gGebet,h which is also applied to norito. Criticizing this point, she claimed to express prayer as gBitten an die Gotterh and norito as grituelle Anrufung zur Gotter.h

              Although Sukui or salvation is normally translated as gErlosungsvorstellungen,h she claimed that gHeilh would be better in some cases. Because the concept of gErlosungh indicates firstly such salvation as onefs life being in ultimate happiness forever after the death. She also criticized translation of the word gkotodama.h Although the term is often translated as gWortmagieh or word magic, she suggested "religios wirksame Kraft der Worteh would be better. She referred to the point that new religions were translated as gNeue Religionen,h claiming that "Moderne Religiose Organisationh would be effective if considering nuances of the former expression in Western countries. Finally, she proposed quite important problem whether Shinto can be characterized or not as gGlaube.h             

As her presentation was strongly challenging to present translations, basically attaching importance to context, many opposite opinions were suggested in questions and answers.

The second presenter, Berthon pointed out at first that such researches as appreciating the importance of gParoleh were quite few among studies on new religions. Then he discussed how we could properly translated directive or prophetic speeches issued by a religious founder, taking Maruyamakyo as an example. 26

He described one would face with various kinds of puns, parodies or false characters when one tried to translate texts written by the founder and documents written by successors or texts by written believers based on the founderfs words. Describing that one of chief characteristics of Messianic movements such as Maruyamakyo or Omoto is to produce abundant hdiscours,h Berthon claimed two points to be remarked in cases of interpreting them. The first is worship of the founder by followers, and the other is traditional expressions, metaphors and languages.

In questions and answers, as a participant asked how Berthon translated gliving deity,h he replied that he translated as gdivinite vivante.h

The first commentator, Sakurai Haruo, pointed out two problems in cases of translation of words relating to modern Shinto. One is that Japan adopted new concepts from foreign countries after opening the country, such as transcendence, conversion, revelation, or meditation as well as salvation. The Japanese faced with problems to find out these elements in Shinto. The other is that, on the contrary, they must consider on translations of terms peculiar to Shinto when they tried to introduce Shinto overseas. He also regarded interpretation of contexts as quite important.

The other commentator, Lokowandt claimed that terms with strong nuances of Christianity should be used inevitably both in English and German in cases of translating documents relating to religions including Shinto. This position is same as Hardacre showed in the previous symposium. He added that one could write a footnote if a word was misleading. So that belief in Shinto should be translated as gGlauben.h

On State Shinto, although plural translations would be possible, he suggested that gZivilreligionh or civil religion was not suitable. He, moreover, referred to his endeavor to translate gkokutaih into German. As no one might guess if used gState-Body,h he used "Staatsideeg or state ideal without any better ideas. He insisted that "jinjag should be translated as shrine in English and Schrein in German.

In time of free discussion, a radical question was submitted that all the religions were plural in essence concerning the proposal by Prohl that Shinto should be expressed in plural form. Her claim that the term gGlaubenh could not be used for Shinto also invited an opposite view that attitudes of those who accept Shinto as religion should be called gGlauben.h

In this mini-symposium, one of the most important arguments was on what degree one should take care of distinguishing usage of words according to context. In the second symposium and mini-symposium where translation of Shinto related terms, new problems were submitted as a reflection of development of academic researches as well as rather classical problems. As noun gender exists in French, German and others, this would bring complex problems though this point was not referred to this time.

              Both problems that occur because of importance of original terms and because of difficulties in translating Japanese culture in general were discussed together, showing many future problems to be solved. They are also helpful in our plan to publicize revised English version of Encylopedia of Shinto on the Internet.

4. The Third Symposium

In the course of a series of symposium, a basic question has been brought about. It is whether or not Shinto should be regarded as independent religion in Japanese history. And Shinto is regarded as a religion from ancient time. Among Japanese scholars of Shinto studies, these questions have ever hardly been argued. However, ideas suggested by Kuroda Toshio that Shinto had been constructed in the early modern age was accepted among some European scholars. Considering these, the third symposium was planed to estimate whether or not Shinto should be recognized as consistent religion in Japan or belief system.

It was held on 4th and 5th of September, 2004 at Kokugakuin University under the title of gSuccession and Nonsuccession of Shinto.h A Russian scholar and an Italian scholar were included as panelists this time. Five presentations and general discussion were carried out. Kawamura Kunimitsu commented in the general discussion in the final session. Role of chairperson was shared by Kate Wildman Nakai, Norman Havens and myself.

The titles of the presentations are as follow.
Liudmila Ermakova, gSome Problems on the Concept of Shinto and Poem Theories in Early Timeh with  comment by Kase Naoya.]
Arnaud Brotons, gSuccession and Changes of Deities of Kumano Area in Ancient and Medieval Ageh with comment by Fujii Hiroaki.
Fabio Rambelli, gSuccession and Non-succession of Shinto observed in eReikikif h with comment by Oota Naoyuki.
Gary L. Ebersole, gTreating of Shinto in the Study of History of Religionh with comment by Endo Jun.
Klaus Antoni, gShinto and National Polity (kokukai): On Succession as a Political Ideologyh with comment by Matsumoto Hisashi.

The theme gSuccession and Nonsuccession of Shintoh includes a fundamental problem how Shinto can be located in Japanese culture in general. Answers differ according to from what viewpoints Shinto are discussed. So that main aims were focused on when the concept of Shinto was necessary, how changes of religious phenomenon called Shinto, and how Shinto and other religions were related mutually.

The first presenter, Ermakova claimed that phenomenon having been understood as Shinto were recognized in different figures, changing outlines, disappearing or appearing according to a premise of descriptions. She discussed on ideas of gmeta-historyh regarding interpretation the beginning of poems. gKakyo hyosikih by Fujiwara Hamanari and gIntroduction of Kokin wakashuh were treated as books where the origin and the principle of Japanese poems were described logically first. She noticed in the point that the both had found the origin of the poem in Japanese mythology, but advocated different opinions.

Brotons pointed that relationship among deities in Kumano area remained certain continuity between in the age of Kojiki and Nihongi and the age of popular visit to Kumano in the Heian period, though at first they seemed to be different. Continuities were observed in mother god and children god in the pantheon of Kumano.

Fujii commented on this point that modern belief on Kumano could trace only back to the early modern age, judging from documents remained. He criticized Umehara Takeshifs idea that it could trace back to the Jomon period. He alos opposed Brothonfs viewpoint, describing that they did not connected deities in the Insei period to those appeared in classics. Brothon stressed his idea that he took notice of symbolical meanings of gancient beliefh of Kumano belief, claiming that continuity depend on each viewpoint. Brothon kept his position that Belief in Mother god and children gods existed in the base of Kumano belief and this area kept function of religious training.

Rambelli described at the beginning that continuity and discontinuity of a belief were relative relationship. So that if one would claim the continuity of Shinto, one should make clear why one wanted so and what one aimed to obtain by claim of continuity at the beginning of discussion. Then he argued characteristics of gReikikih which is a typical literature of Medieval Shinto. He pointed out that the chief purpose of the book was to establish the foundation of the superiority of Japan as divine country by tracing the origin of deities back to before the arrival of Buddhism, while grasping the idea of deities within the framework of harmonization of Shinto and Buddhism. In questions and answers, social influences of gReikikih were discussed, because how the book was influential was connected with discussion of continuity of Shinto.

Ebersole claimed that his interest was not gcontinuity and discontinuity of Shinto,h but gcontinuity and discontinuity among Shinto studies.h Therefore, he introduced Western history of studies where Shinto was  regarded as the homogeneous and universal tradition. He attached great importance to Kuroda Toshiofs idea that Shinto had not exited until the nineteenth century as an independent religion. As his idea was introduced to Europe since the 1980s, the former understanding that Shinto was universal and uniquely to Japan became to change.

Then he categorized Shinto studies in USA into three groups. The first is theories on Shinto in the Meiji era. The second is Shinto studies by Romanticists, and the third is studies which criticize State Shinto as an ideology. He also referred to expected studies in the future. They are researches of Shinto beliefs among ordinary people, researches from viewpoints of gender, and argument from the side of gusers.h

In questions and answers, he explained again why he discussed on Shinto studies, describing that his position was that Shinto existed only in the discourse. Regarding a question why there were many arguments on essence of Shinto in English speaking areas, he replied that curiosity to other culture by Christian culture would be concerned.

Finally Antoni discussed about many stereo-typed images existed on Shinto. For example, Shinto is gethnic religion,h  gmodern construction,h gethnocentric nationalismh or gpeaceful natural worship.h We can find a distinction between the pure ethnic Shinto without political pollution and modern Shintoism as a negative counterpart polluted by ideologies. He stressed such a distinction would mislead discussions. Instead, he referred to the possibility of studies approached by historical and nonpolitical attitude, admitting spiritual structure of modern Shinto had base on the development until the early modern age in nature. He also suggested that the core of continuity of Shinto was it had been played the role of authorization of ruling position of the Emperor family since Kojiki and Nihongi.

Matsumoto commented it would be quite important for the discussion of continuity and discontinuity of Shinto how one might understand Medieval Shinto. Also as to relationship between the Emperor system and Shinto, he asked whether this was uniquely to Japan or not.

In the general discussion, Kawamura suggested the following problems when discussing continuity and discontinuity of Shinto, followed by arguments among participants.

(1) On what aspect of Shinto is discussed, considering relationship between history of Shinto thought and folk belief in deities as well as institutional viewpoint.

(2) How to discuss justification of the rule by the Emperor. On the contrary, how Shinto has utilized the Emperor system, including usage of Kojiki and Nihongi.

(3) How the Medieval age is evaluated.            

The theme of gcontinuity and discontinuity of Shintoh is developed as whether Shinto has been continual belief system or not in Japanese culture from the most macro level of perspectives. If yes, when this system started? And what are suggested as marks of continuity? Then Shrine systems, relationship of Shinto and the Emperor system, or influences from Buddhism and other religion from China are discussed. On the contrary, if taken into consideration largely of influence by Buddhism, discontinuity of Shinto tend to be stressed.

As micro level of discussions, many problems exist such as origins of shrines in each area and their changes, characteristic belief forms of Kumano, Ise, Hachiman or others. Moreover, origins of Shinto festivals and rituals in local communities and their changes.

It is quite important to argue on continuity and discontinuity of Shinto in many aspects for the purpose of future development of Shinto studies. Although many Japanese scholars of Shinto studies premise continuity of Shinto culture and Shinto belief in a broad sense, it is also required to ask always to what aspects this can be applied. 


Our purpose to promote Shinto studies together with constructing a network among scholars both domestic and overseas has been advanced in the process of carrying out the twenty-first century COE program of Kokugakuin University. It has been felt that scholars overseas tended to argue on Shinto with relatively weak connection each other, mostly because of scarcity of dispatch of information from the Japanese side.

              We are aiming to promote cooperative studies with foreign scholars more actively on the occasion of online publication of revised version of Encyclopedia of Shinto in English. Also the next international symposium will aim the same direction.


(1) The following books were introduced.Karl Florenz, Nihongi oder Japanische Annalen. Geschichte Japans im 7. Jahrhundert, Buch 22-30. Tokyo: Deutsche Gesellschaft fur Natur- und Volkerkunde Ostasiens,1892. Karl Florenz, Japanische Mythologie. Nihongi gZeitalter der Gotter, h nebst Erganzungen aus anderen alten Quellenwerken. Tokyo: Deutsche Gesellschaft fur Natur- und Volkerkunde Ostasiens, 1901. Karl Florenz, Die historischen Quellen der Shinto-Religion. Gottingen, Leipzig: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1919.

(2) Heinrich Dumoulin, Kamo Mabuchi, (1697-1769). Ein Beitrag zur japanischen Religions- und Geistesgeschichte. Tokyo: Sophia University, 1943.

(3) Horst Hammitzsch, Hirata Atsutane - ein geistiger Kampfer Japans, Tokyo: OAG.1936. Horst Hammitzsch, Yamato-hime no Mikoto Seiki. Bericht uber den Erdenwandel Ihrer Hochheit der Prinzessin Yamato. Eine Quelle zur Fruhgeschichte der Shint?-Religion Universitat Leipzig, 1937.

(4) Alexander Slawik, gZum Problem des eSakralen Besuchersf in Japan.h Ostasiatische Studien 48, 1959. Alexander Slawik, gDie Susanowos - Vielerlei Gestalten unter einem Namen, ihre Mythen, Sagen und die altesten chinesischen Japanberichte,h in Klaus Antoni and Maria-Verena Blummel eds., Festgabe fur Nelly Naumann. Hamburg: MOAG 119, 1993.

(5) Josef Kreiner, Die Kultorganisation des japanischen Dorfes, Wien: Braumuller Verlag, 1969.

(6) Susanne Formanek, gShaji sankei mandara. Pilger-Bilder zwischen Heilsobjekt und religiosem Werbeplakat und ihre Beziehungen zum Edo-zeitlichen Pilgerwesen.h Shiro Kohsaka, Johannes Laube eds. Informationssystem und kulturelles Leben in den Stadten der Edo-Zeit. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2000.

(7)Bernhard Scheid, Der Eine und Einzige Weg der Gotter. Yoshida Kanetomo und die Erfindung des Shinto, Wien: Verlag der Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2001.

(8) The following writings were listed. Nelly Naumann, gEinige Bemerkungen zum sogenannten Ur-Shint?. h Nachrichten der Gesellschaft fur Natur- und Volkerkunde Ostasiens (NOAG) 107/108 1970. Nelly Naumann, Die einheimische Religion Japans. Teil 1: Bis zum Ende der Heian-Zeit. Leiden: Brill. 1988. Nelly Naumann, Die einheimische Religion Japans. Teil 2: Synkretistische Lehren und religiose Entwicklungen von der Kamakura- bis zum Beginn der Edo-Zeit , Leiden: Bril, 1994.

(9) As Klaus Antonifs contribution to the study of Japanese myth, the followings were listed. Klaus Antoni, Der Weise Hase von Inaba. Vom Mythos zum Marchen. Munchen: Steiner Verlag, 1982. Klaus Antoni, Miwa, der Heilige Trank in der japanischen Uberlieferung. Stuttgart: Steiner Verlag, 1988. As his contributuin to modern Shinto, the followings were listed. Klaus Antoni, Der Himmlische Herrscher und sein Staat. Essays zur Stellung des Tenn? im modernen Japan. Munchen: Iudicium, 1991. Klaus Antoni, Shint? und die Konzeption des japanischen Nationalwesens (kokutai). Leiden: Brill, 1998.

(10) Lokowandt learned once at Kokugakuin University. He published the following boook. Ernst Lokowandt, Die rechtliche Entwicklung des Staats-Shinto in der ersten Halfte der Meiji-Zeit (1868-1890),  Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1976

(11) Klaus Kracht, Studien zur Geschichte des Denkens im Japan des 17. bis 19. Jahrhunderts. Chu-Hsi-konfuzianische Geist-Diskurse . Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1985.

(12) Johannes Laube,                Oyagami. Die heutige Gottesvorstellung der Tenriky? . Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1978.

(13) Teeuwen, Mark. Watarai Shint?. An intellectual history of the Outer Shrine in Ise. Leiden: Leiden University, CNWS Publications Vol. 52, 1996. Teeuwen also published the followings. Teeuwen, gThe kami in esoteric Buddhist thought and practice.h In: Shinto in History. Ways of the Kami. Eds. John Breen and Mark Teeuwen. Richmond, Surrey, Curzon Press, 2000. Teeuwen, Mark J. and Hendrik van der Veere. Nakatomi Harae Kunge. Purification and Enlightenment in Late-Heian Japan.  Munchen: Iudicium verlag 1998. Teeuwen, Mark and John Breen (Eds.) Shinto in History.  Ways of the Kami. Richmond, Surrey, Curzon Press, 2000. Teeuwen, Mark and Fabio Rambelli. Buddhas and Kami in Japan, honji suijaku as a combinatory paradigm. RoutledgeCurzon, January 2003.

(14) Visser, M.W. de. Shinto, de godsdienst van Japan.  Baarn: Hollandia-drukkerij: 1911.

(15) Lee, Kun Sam. The Christian Confrontation with Shinto Nationalism.  A historical and critical study of the conflict of Christianity and Shinto in Japan in the Period between the Meiji Restoration and the End of World War II (1868-1945), Amsterdam: Van Soest, 1962. 

(16) Kamstra, Jacques Henri. De Japanse religie. Een fenomenale godsdienst. Hilversum: Gooi en Sticht, 1988.  Kamstra, Kamstra Jacques Henri., gSome aspects of Inaru, the god of Fushimi Inari in Kyoto,h in: Adriana Boscaro, Franco Gatti, and Massimo Raveri, eds., Rethinking Japan, Vol. II. Sandgate, Folkestone: Japan Library, 1991.

(17) Creemers, Wilhelmus H.M. Shrine Shinto after World War II.  Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1968.

(18). The following writings were introduced: Boot, W.J., gThe religious background of the deification of Tokugawa Ieyasu,h in: Adriana Boscaro, Franco Gatti, and Massimo Raveri, eds., Rethinking Japan, Vol. II.  Sandgate, Folkestone: Japan Library, 1991. Boot, W.J., gThe death of a shogun: deification in early modern Japan.h In: Shinto in History.  Ways of the Kami. Eds. John Breen and Mark Teeuwen. Richmond, Surrey, Curzon Press, 2000.

(19) One of them is the following. Visser, M.W. de . Shint? en Tao?sme in Japan. Amsterdam: H.J. Paris 1930.

(20). Ouwehand, Cornelius. gSome Notes on the God Susa-no-o.h In: Monumenta Nipponica, Vol. XIV, Nos. 3-4, 1958-1959

(21) Ouwehand, Cornelius. Namazu?e and their themes. An interpretative approach to some aspects of Japanese folk religion. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1964.

(22) The foundation belong to NGO and financially supported by Fukami Seishu who is the founder of Japanese new religion named Worldmate.
(23) Nippon Gakujutsu Shinkokai (trans.). The Manyoshu: One Thousand Poems. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1940.  Levy, Ian Hideo (trans.). The Ten Thousand Leaves: A Translation of the Manfyoshu, Japanfs Premier Anthology of Classical Poetry (Books 1-5). Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981.

(24) Vovin, Alexander, gPre-Hankul materials, Koreo-Japonic, and Altaic.h Korean Studies. Volume 24, .2000.

(25) The symposium was held under the joint sponsorship withThe Society of Shinto Studies whose headquarters is located at Kokugakuin University, with about five hundreds of members.

(26) Maruyamakyo was established in 1829 by Ito Rokurobee who was born in poor farmerfs family in presently Kawasaki city, Kanagawa prefecture. It was based on belief in Mt. Fuji during the Edo period. 

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